Dear Followers, Friends, fellow Workers:

I have just begun a new blog/zine called
Chirot Zero Zine A Heap of Rubble--
Anarkeyology of hand eye ear notations
the blog is more exusively concerned than this one with presenting essays, reviews (inc. "bad reviews") , Visual Poetry, Sound Poetry, Event Scores, Manifestos, Manifotofestos, rantin' & raving, rock'roll, music all sorts--by myself and others--if you are interested in being a contributor, please feel free to contact me at
as with this blog, the arts are investigated as a part of rather than apart from the historical, economic, political actualities of yesterday, today, & tomorrow
as with al my blogs--
contributions in any language are welcome

Free Leonard Peltier

Free Leonard Peltier
The government under pretext of security and progress, liberated us from our land, resources, culture, dignity and future. They violated every treaty they ever made with us. I use the word “liberated” loosely and sarcastically, in the same vein that I view the use of the words “collateral damage” when they kill innocent men, women and children. They describe people defending their homelands as terrorists, savages and hostiles . . . My words reach out to the non-Indian: Look now before it is too late—see what is being done to others in your name and see what destruction you sanction when you say nothing. --Leonard Peltier, Annual Message January 2004 (Leonard Peltier is now serving 31st year as an internationally recognized Political Prisoner of the United States Government)

Injustice Continues: Leonard Peltier Again Denied Parole

# Injustice continues: Leonard Peltier denied parole‎ - By Mahtowin A wave of outrage swept the progressive community worldwide at the news that Native political prisoner Leonard Peltier was denied parole on Aug. ... Workers World - 2 related articles » US denies parole to American Indian activist Leonard Peltier‎ - AFP - 312 related articles » # Free Leonard Peltier 2009 PRISON WRITINGS...My Life Is My Sun Dance Leonard Peltier © 1999. # Prison Writings: My Life Is My Sun Dance - by Leonard Peltier, Harvey Arden - 2000 - Biography & Autobiography - 272 pages Edited by Harvey Arden, with an Introduction by Chief Arvol Looking Horse, and a Preface by former Attorney General Ramsey Clark. In 1977, Leonard Peltier... - # Leonard Peltier, American Indian Activist, Denied Parole And Won't ... Aug 21, 2009 ... BISMARCK, ND — American Indian activist Leonard Peltier, imprisoned since 1977 for the deaths of two FBI agents, has been denied parole ... - Cached - Similar - #

Gaza--War Crime: Collective Punishment of 1.5 Million Persons--Recognized as "The World's Largest Concentration Camp"

Number of Iraquis Killed Since USA 2003 Invasion began

Just Foreign Policy Iraqi Death Estimator

US & International Personnel losses in Iraq &Afghanistan; Costs of the 2 Wars to US

Number of U.S. Military Personnel Sacrificed (Officially acknowledged) In America's War On Iraq: 4,667

Number Of International Occupation Force Troops Slaughtered In Afghanistan : 1,453


Cost of War in Iraq


Cost of War in Afghanistan

The cost in your community

flickr: DEATH FROM THIS WINDOW/DOORS OF GUANTANAMO--Essays, Links, Video-- US use of Torture

VISUAL POETRY/MAIL ART CALL Cracking World’s Walls & Codes Concrete & Virtual

Cracking World’s Walls & Codes Concrete & Virtual

No Sieges, Tortures, Starvation & Surveillance
Deadline/Fecha Limite: SinsLimite/ongoing
Size: No limit/Sin Limite
No Limit on Number of Works sent
No Limit on Number of Times New Works Are Sent
Documentation: on my blog
David Baptiste Chirot
740 N 29 #108
Milwaukee, WI 53208

Miss Universe Visits Guantanamo: 'A Loooot Of Fun!'

Miss Universe Visits Guantanamo: 'A Loooot Of Fun!'

The current 'Miss Universe' Dayana Mendoza (formerly Miss Venezuela) and 'Miss America' Crystal Stewart visited US troops stationed in Guantanamo Bay on March 20th, the New York Times reports. Here's Mendoza's account of the visit from her pageant blog last Friday. She says the trip "was a loooot of fun!"

This week, Guantánamo!!! It was an incredible experience...All the guys from the Army were amazing with us. We visited the Detainees camps and we saw the jails, where they shower, how the recreate themselves with movies, classes of art, books. It was very interesting. We took a ride with the Marines around the land to see the division of Gitmo and Cuba while they were informed us with a little bit of history.

The water in Guantánamo Bay is soooo beautiful! It was unbelievable, we were able to enjoy it for at least an hour. We went to the glass beach, and realized the name of it comes from the little pieces of broken glass from hundred of years ago. It is pretty to see all the colors shining with the sun. That day we met a beautiful lady named Rebeca who does wonders with the glasses from the beach. She creates jewelry with it and of course I bought a necklace from her that will remind me of Guantánamo Bay :)

I didn't want to leave, it was such a relaxing place, so calm and beautiful.

Saturday, August 22, 2009

The "Other" American Indian Rezervations--American Indians & Haitians 2 Poorest Peoples in Western hemisphere

The "Other" American Indian Rezervations

Note: these figures as noted below are five or more years old;conditions
 now, are much worse. The American Indians are with the Haitians by
far the most impoverished and oppressed person in the Western
 Hemisphere. The USA participated in the attempted overthrow
and overthrow of the elected governments of the only two "Democratic"
elections in decades according to International Observers: in Bolivia, \which has the world's first Indigenous president, and in Haiti. Though American Indians like Ira Hayes won medals for their heroism in WW2, no Indian was allowed to vote until 1949; they had been given citizenship(!) only in 1939. Itis becoming a widespread beleif among American Indians and many others that the oppression and genocide of the American Indian is linked to the American support for the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, and their being subjected to Apartheid. Think on these ideas and facts and observe the actions rather than nodding your head to the rhetoric and lies of the two "moral and Democratic States" and their practice of that Parent of terrorism, the State terror extolled by Robespiere as the "Twin Towers" of the State: "Purity and Terror."

Food Distribution Programs

There are currently 2.1 million American Indians residing in the United States, about 25% of whom live on reservations. The disparities confronting these peoples are the most extreme of any ethnic group in the United States. Not only do American Indians have the highest rates of poverty (over twice that of all other ethnic groups), but they also have the highest unemployment and worst rates of disease. If this is surprising, also consider the following:

The poverty rate increases to 31.2% when addressing American Indians living on reservations; that is 1 in 3 people (Census Bureau, 2001).

Approximately 90,000 Native families are homeless or under-housed. (Senate Indian Affairs Committee, 2002)

30% of homes on reservations are overcrowded, compared to 5.7% of homes of the general U.S. population. (Senate Indian Affairs Committee, 2002)

American Indians are 670 percent more likely to die from alcoholism, 650 percent more likely to die from tuberculosis, 318 percent more likely to die from diabetes than any other ethnic group (Indian Health Services, 2002)

In 2004, American Indian schools will spend approximately $3,000 per student, less than half the amount that other public schools will spend (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 2004)

Over 50% of homes on reservations lack connection to a public sewage system, compared to 1.2% of the general U.S. population. (Senate Indian Affairs Committee, 2002)

11% of American Indian homes lack kitchen facilities, compared to 1% national average (Government Accounting Office, 2005)

There is no single cause for these disparities. The geographic remoteness, lack of economic development, political corruption within the tribal council, and inadequate federal assistance are all to blame. These problems are not foreign to us, they are the same conditions that we here of time and time again in mainstream media, but in relationship to other areas of the world. Our indigenous peoples are living in similar, if not the same, conditions as the indigenous peoples of the developing world.

Knowledge of the abject conditions on American Indian reservations is muddled by the derisory coverage of gaming and casino revenues by the mainstream media, amongst other things. As reported in a recent US News article:

"There's this new stereotype that Indians are rich now, because of the casinos," Hall says. "But out of the 200 or so tribes that have casinos, maybe 25 of those are doing pretty good, and that's stretching it." Some of the poorest tribes, such as the Navajo and Hopi, have rejected gambling as culturally inappropriate, and many others are too remote to rake in huge profits.

American Indians have the highest rates of diabetes, AIDS, alcoholism and tuberculosis amongst all ethnic groups in the United States. Yet, most American Indians do not have private health insurance and rely heavily on the Indian Health Services (IHS) for coverage. Not only is the IHS severly under funded, with 60% less spending on its beneficiaries than the national average, but the IHS only allocates approximately $2,000 per American Indian each year. This is only half of what our federal prisoners receive! Coupled with this issue are the poor health care facilities available to American Indians. Health care facilities are typically inadequately supplied, with treatment and prevention programs that are heavily under funded and are usually remotely located, requiring individuals to travel very long distances for services. As a result of these compounding issues, it is estimated that the health status of American Indians is 20 to 25 years behind rest of the nation. So, it should be of no surprise that the life expectancy of American Indians is on average 6 six years less than the national average, and amongst the Lakota tribe of South Dakota it is as low as 42 for men and 52 for women; that is a 30 year difference! This is characteristic of a poor developing nation, not a rich industrialized nation. The mental health amongst American Indians is equally despairing. Suicide rates amongst adolescents on the reservations are twice as high as the national average, and the majority of the suicides involve alcohol. Yet, on reservations such as Pine Ridge, where alcoholism affects 80% of the population, there are no treatment facilities.

In order to understand the rapidly deteriorating health of the American Indians, it is also necessary to address the drastic changes in nutrition that they have endured over the last 150 years. Traditionally, native diets were high in protein and low in fat. For centuries, they feasted on berries, roots, vegetables and wild game, which provided a balanced, nutritious diet. When the American Indians were 'placed' on reservations they were stripped of their self-sufficiency. Instead of continuing to live off the land, they were forced to eat the commodities provided to them by the federal government. These foods have traditionally been highly processed and refined, high in fat and cholesterol, and laden with sugars and salt. This has resulted in a high incidence of diabetes on the reservations. In fact, American Indians have the highest rates of Type 2 diabetes in the world. Access to healthy foods remains very limited, especially for individuals and families living in isolated areas of the reservation.

Overcrowding and substandard housing has chronically plagued life on the reservation. It is not uncommon to have 12-15 people living in an 800 square foot, two-bedroom home. In addition, large proportions of the homes are lacking indoor plumbing, sewer service, heating, and adequate insulation. Many homes are also lacking electricity. Very few American Indians are homeowners due to limited or no access to credit and land ownership restrictions. This housing endemic finally resulted in some presidential attention when then president Bill Clinton visited the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota in 1999. While HUD initially received funding to improve housing, the funding increase was quickly reduced, hindering any substantial progress from taking place. As a result there is an estimated 200,000 housing units in immediate need amongst American Indian families living on reservations across the United States.

As a group, Native American students are not afforded educational opportunities equal to other American students. They regularly confront dilapidated school facilities, outdated resources such as computers, cultural differences, and underpaid teachers. Teacher turnover rates are 700% higher than the national average on some reservations! The end result in learning is that achievement scores for basic levels of reading, math, and history are lower amongst American Indians than any other ethnic group. With little job opportunity, almost 50% of students drop out of high school. The vocational programs that do exist are poorly funded. For those students that do persevere through high school and enter a tribal college, the conditions don't improve. Tribal colleges receive 60% less federal funding per student than other public community colleges, and face the same shortages in technology, educational materials and staff that exists at the elementary and secondary levels.

The disparate condition of the impoverished reservations has a strong connection to the lack of substantial commercial, industrial and agricultural development, resulting in high rates of unemployment. Due to geographic remoteness, few industries are willing to build on reservations. Additionally, the infrastructure, ie. roads, to support new development are lacking. In order to improve living conditions, many American Indians move to urban areas, but often they still find themselves in extremely poor neighborhoods, and struggle to find suitable employment. For anyone making the transition from a rural to an urban life, the change can be very challenging, but American Indians often face the additional challenges of overcoming a poor educational background, few, if any, industrial skills and discrimination. As a result they may only be able to fill seasonal and/or low-paying jobs, often causing them to never escape the poverty they were fleeing from by leaving the reservation. Many, consequentially return to the reservation, frustrated and without any money.

Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations (FDPIR)
This is the only nutrition program designed specifically for American Indians. The program provides monthly supplemental food packages weighing between 50 and 70 pounds to low-income households living on American Indian Reservations. Participation in Food Stamp Programs amongst American Indians living on reservations tends to be substantially lower than rest of the low-income families in America. This is caused by several factors. First of all, the tribal offices on each reservation are not permitted to administer the food stamp programs. This entails residents leaving the reservation to visit federal offices that may be several hours away from their home. Additionally, the grocery stores located on the reservation tend to be much more expensive, which drastically limits the amount people can stretch their benefits or may not even accept the food stamps. Food stamps may also be cut off when participants work even a minimum wage job, which works as a disincentive for finding employment. Forced to choose between either food stamps or the commodities provided through FDPIR (people are not allowed to participate in both), most choose the commodities. As many as six out of 10 households rely on FDPIR as their primary or only source of food.

Near to Nabbing Karl Rove??--News Articles/Op-Eds

Raw Story: Rove op-ed reveals he had inside information about probe

Scott Horton: Rove's Sorry Victim Act

The "Big Get" Don Hewitt and "60 Minutes" Didn't Get

How Yawning Got One Court Spectator Six Months in the Slammer & Eight Other Disturbing Acts of Judicial Tyranny

Conyers May Call Rove, Miers to Testify Publicly About Attorney Firings

Karl Rove, Rupert Murdoch and Media Bias

Mark Crispin Miller:

CIA's Outsourcing for Killers--2 stories

Feinstein: CIA Assassination Program Went 'Beyond the Simple Planning Stage'

Outsourcing for killers

: Danish Design Center presents It's a small world

August 22, 2009

Danish Design Center

Share this announcement on:  Facebook | Delicious | Twitter

It's a small world
28 August 2009 - January 2010

Dansk Design Center
HC Andersens Boulevard 27
DK 1553 København V
10-17 Mon - Fri
10-21 Wed
11-16 Sat – Sun

How will future designers work, and how does Danish design address global issues such as sustainability, new technology and consumption? The exhibition it's a small world challenges the Danish design tradition and explores future design practices in a global perspective.

it's a small world is an international design exhibition that will be launched during the Copenhagen Design Week. The exhibition will travel internationally throughout 2010/2011 and is on display at the Danish Design Centre from 28 August 2009 until late January 2010.

It's a small world is organised as a collaboration between Danish Design Centre, Danish Crafts and Danish Architecture Centre. The exhibition is initiated by the Danish Ministry of Economic and Business Affairs and the Danish Ministry of Culture.

It's a small world focuses on Danish design, craft and architecture in relation to a new international design agenda and examines the role of design as problem-solver in a world filled with surplus production and an endless supply of products. Global challenges such as sustainability and, not least, the growing demand for individual, non-standardised solutions, make both specialisation and flexibility key concerns at every stage of the design process. The interaction between individual preferences and global needs is the background for the debate.

The exhibition presents six scenarios, each introducing a unique concept that explores cultural trends from an individual as well as a collective point of view, in a local and global perspective.

The exhibition has been curated by:
Danish Design Centre, Architect/Designer maa/mdd Tina Midtgaard - project manager
Danish Crafts, Architect Karen Kjærgaard
Danish Architecture Centre, Architect maa Kjersti Wikstrøm

For additional information, please contact:
Danish Design Centre, Susanne Søndahl Wolff, Team Manager, Communication and Media, tel +45 2382 1314
Danish Design Centre, Sidsel Regina Forchhammer, Project Manager, Communications, tel +45 3369 3383
Photos and press release can be downloaded from

Scenarios and participats:

Scenario 1: We're so normal
Katvig ApS – Organic children clothing company
SUP DESIGN/Molgard ApS – Designer/Design engineer
Architect Kristine Jensens Tegnestue – Architects

Scenario 2: Expanding tradition
Hatch & Bloom A/S – Idea and design agency
Studio/ Louise Campbell – Designer
Lundgaard & Tranberg Architects – Architects

Scenario 3: it's your turn
RACA – Social designers
Cecilie Manz / – Designer
Astrid Krogh – Textile designer
Kollision – Architectural bureau

Scenario 4: I'm so special
vibskov emenius – Fashion and performance designers
Steen Ipsen – Ceramist
BIG I Bjarke Ingels Group – Architects

Scenario 5: Linking behaviours
Goodmorning Technology – Strategic design agency
Ole Jensen and Molgaard ApS – Ceramist, Design Engineer
Dorte Mandrup Architects, schmidt / hammer / lassen architects/ and Mutopia – Architects

Scenario 6: Processing experiments
Oticon A/S– Hearing aid Company
Bengtsson design Ltd – Designer
3XN – Architects

41 Essex street
New York, NY 10002, USA

Contact us

Amnesty Int: Aung San Suu Kyi -- matching words with action.

From: Jim Roberts, Amnesty International USA <>

Amnesty International USA: TAKE ACTION NOW!
Leaders across the globe have issued statements condemning the verdict in pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's sham trial.
Tell them it's time to match words with action.

Dear David,

Leaders worldwide condemned Myanmar's decision last week to extend Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's imprisonment by 18 months after finding her guilty of violating the terms of her house arrest.

It's time for global leaders to match words with actions.

While Amnesty applauds the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' condemnation of the verdict in Aung San Suu Kyi's trial, the 10-nation ASEAN bloc must ratchet up pressure for the release of Suu Kyi and thousands of other political prisoners in Myanmar.

The head of the Myanmar's ruling military junta, Than Shwe, has brushed off criticisms before, and there's little reason to believe he'll clean-up his act unless ASEAN shows that this time it means business.
Turn up the heat on ASEAN

That's why we're calling on ASEAN to convene a meeting of the top brass in foreign affairs from all 10 member nations to come up with concrete measures to finally address the growing human rights crisis in Myanmar.

We're turning up the heat ourselves by calling on supporters to send 10,000 postcards – instead of emails – to the Thai government, which currently chairs ASEAN. (Don't worry – we'll send the postcard for you, so you don't have to buy postage, lick stamps or find a mailbox.)

Send a postcard today demanding the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and thousands of other political prisoners in Myanmar.

Time is running out. Vietnam will replace Thailand as chair of ASEAN at the end of next month. Critics have raised concerns that ASEAN's new human rights body will be toothless under Vietnam's leadership.1 We must ramp up our calls on Thailand to show leadership on human rights in Myanmar in order for it to make a difference in the remaining weeks of its chairmanship.

Act now. Help us send 10,000 postcards to the Thai government by September 1st to urge them to call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and thousands of other political prisoners in Myanmar.

Thank you for standing with us –

Jim, Nancy, Anil, Ulana and the rest of the Myanmar rapid response team

Take Action
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LENGUA Where everybody knows your nombre *The indiscreet charms of Mexico City cantinas


Manifeste Conceptuel pour la Politique de l'Amour Universel



NSA: Breaking the Silence: The Mexican Army and the 1997 Acteal Massacre

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: National Security Archive <>
Date: Thu, Aug 20, 2009 at 11:33 AM
Subject: Breaking the Silence: The Mexican Army and the 1997 Acteal Massacre

National Security Archive Update, August 20, 2009

Breaking the Silence:
The Mexican Army and the 1997 Acteal Massacre

For more information contact:
Kate Doyle - kadoyle@gwu

In Guatemala (until Monday, August 24): 502 4408-9899
New York office: 646-613-1440, ext. 238

Washington, DC, August 20, 2009 - As Mexicans debate last week's Supreme Court ruling vacating the conviction of 20 men for the Acteal massacre, newly declassified documents from the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency describe the Mexican Army's role in backing paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the killings. The secret cables confirm reporting about military support for indigenous armed groups carrying out attacks on pro-Zapatista communities in the region and add important new details. They also revive a question that has lingered for almost 12 years: when will the Army come clean about its role in Acteal?


Mientras los mexicanos debatían sobre el dictamen de la Suprema Corte la semana pasada, que anula la condena de 20 hombres por la masacre de Acteal, documentos recién desclasificados de la Agencia de Inteligencia de la Defensa (DIA según sus siglas en inglés) de EU describen el papel del Ejército en el apoyo a los grupos paramilitares en Chiapas, al momento de los asesinatos. Los cables secretos confirman los reportes sobre el apoyo militar a los grupos indígenas armados que llevaron a cabo ataques contra comunidades pro zapatistas de la región y añaden importantes detalles nuevos. También reviven un asunto que ha estado latente por casi 12 años: ¿cuándo dirá la Sedena la verdad sobre su papel en Acteal?

Please visit the National Security Archive Web site for more information.


THE NATIONAL SECURITY ARCHIVE is an independent non-governmental research institute and library located at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C. The Archive collects and publishes declassified documents acquired through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). A tax-exempt public charity, the Archive receives no U.S. government funding; its budget is supported by publication royalties and donations from foundations and individuals.

D-B Chirot: The Longest Poem in the World & Paradoxes & Inevitabilities of Constraint Based Works

From: David Chirot <>
Date: Sat, Aug 22, 2009 at 4:32 AM

A Paradox: that constraint based works are so often founded on the principle of producing the most "unconstrained" works--i.e. "Endless," "Longest," maybe even someday the "Loudest" poem, like Blue Cheer's "primitive" (by today's sonic standards) late 60's/early 70's acid hard rock concept of "Louder than God."

There is also something  of the "inevitbale" about these constarint based works:

For a moment i thought the Longest Poem might be something like the Burma Shave jingles (many, oddly, very like some of the poetry of Charles Bernstein) which stretched from coast to coast--hence a long poem covering thousands of miles . . .
so this project would have as it's "inevitably" the meeting with the Oceans, something that Lautreamont i a strange way would understand: "O Ocean!"

Another form of this inevitability that one finds in the lines in the "Longest Poem" is they express both a triteness and a lack of surprise in resolving by rhyme their dilemmas.

That is--do they not read i a small way like the Fates terribly at Work?

Geleth Burgess in a 1968 Art Magazine  article considered the Inevitable from the point of view of the trite and the Bromide in "Are you a Bromide?"
  examining 48 "genuine cliches," in the Grand Tradition of Flaubert's Dictionairre des idees recues (Dictionary of Accepted/Received ideas.)
writes:  of,for example, "It's not the money, it's the principle of the thing" that:
"It is not merely because the remark is trite that it is Bromidic.  It is because with the Bromide the remark is INEVITABLE."

(Note: you can find Flaubert's Dictionary coupled with Ambrose Bierce's Devil's Dictionary being "serialized" letter by letter at
Also being "serialized" is Edward Bernays's classic work from 1928: Propaganda, and a series of poems, tales, etc from H.Chase's 1958 book of homophonic "translations"..I hope to "serialize more such works re language, writing, words letters etc including more texts re the language of our times which is best expressed as the saturation of it by/with Propaganda/advertising objectives. One of the misunderstandings of Corporate State Fascism as it is developing in the US's latest forms of Capitalism is that the distinctions between advertising and Propaganda have been broken down.  A book blurb can be read as an example of this, in which an ideology of writing is combined an ideology of "buy this book"! And why buy it--because it is part and parcel of what is good for one--the delicious fast food delights("You Are What You Eat")  of propaganda-ads. Isn't that what this poem is about, "The Longest Poem?" And how about any poem one may read today written in the USA?  Is it not saturated by the ideologies of production-consumption-more-more-faster-faster--a bizarre echoing of the terms in Charles Olson's Projective Verse:  One sense impression/breath, letter, syllable, word, phrase, line following another, fast , faster, citizen!--etc)
II met once a Ukrainian poet who claimed to have written "The World's longest Palindrome," helped by the fact that the Ukrainian language is apparently extraordinarily rich in palindromic possibilities.  This "World's Longest Palindrome" was either 4 or 8 small pages folded together and done in fine type.  (forgive the lapse in memory, what's left of it.)
Bob Cobbing, when this pronouncement/announcement of the World's Longest Palindrome was made clear to him became quite vividly and demonstrably antagonistic, saying, no no no!!!! HE had written the world's longest Palindrome because his was just a simple "round" that endless spun around and around as a form of linguistic perpetual motion machine; thus, to be sure, being perpetual, it was "The World's Longest Palindrome."
This Palindrome after all, being perpetual, would be the longest in"Eternal Time," while the "mere" Untrained Palindrome was only long in the number of words, so that it's duration in time was far shorter.
This conversation itself had a Palindromic quality to it in that a Russian had to translate from Ukrainian to Russian for another Russian who translated from Russian to German which I then translated from German to English for Bob's reply, which then went "backwards" to its "original source," the Ukrainian poet.
This project by Mr Gheorghe (a Russian born "1005 Romanian) has also attracted the attention of CNN, as one may see in the note below from one of Mr Georghe's sites (he is also a radio/tv star as well as a school teacher in Romania.
Constraint based works often are very leaden in their effect, the "concept" being productive of things only too inevitable, like the thudding tautologies say of"Conceptual Poetry" of the contemporary American kind (nothing like Conceptual Poetry in "reality").
I think Mr. Gheorghe's project is an example of the Fun/Funny side of the Constraint based work's put to use to illustrate as it were the Inevitability of the Bromidic running amok!

On Wed, Aug 19, 2009 at 8:26 PM, mIEKAL aND <> wrote:
The Longest Poem in the World

The Dispersive Anatomies special issue of Leonardo is up!

From: Alan Sondheim <>
Date: Thu, Aug 20, 2009 at 1:53 PM

The Dispersive Anatomies special issue of Leonardo is up!

Do take a look at this - it has a stunning group of artists, theorists,
thinkers of all sorts - we're quite proud of it. Due to editorial changes
at MIT, it's been two years in the making, but it's a worthwhile wait!

Thanks for your patience, and please check it out!

Here's a description of the original call for the issue:

*Dispersive Anatomies*
*Guest Editors:* Sandy Baldwin, Alan Sondheim and Mez Breeze

*Call for papers - LEA Dispersive Anatomies*

*The Leonardo Electronic Almanac (ISSN No: 1071-4391) is inviting papers
and artworks that address dispersion - dispersion of bodies, objects,
landscapes, networks, virtual and real worlds.

A fundamental shift in the way we view the world is underway: the
abandonment of discrete objects, and objecthood itself. The world is now
plural, and the distinction between real and virtual is becoming
increasingly blurred, with troubling consequences within the geopolitical
register. This shift is related to a cultural change that emphasizes
digital deconstruction over analog construction: a photograph for example
can be accessed and transformed, pixel by pixel, cities can be taken apart
by gerrymandering or eminent domain, and our social networks are replete
with names and images that problematize friendship, sexuality, and culture
itself. One issue that emerges here: Are we networking or are we
networked? Are we networks ourselves?

LEA is interested in texts and works that deal with this fundamental shift
in new and illuminating ways. Specifically, anything from essays through
multimedia through networks themselves may be considered. We're
particularly interested in submissions that deal with the incoherency of
the world, and how to address it. *Key topics of interest

*Topics of interest might include (but are not limited to):
- Networked warfare in real and virtual worlds.
- The wounded/altered body in real and virtual worlds.
- Transgressive sexualities across borders, sexualities among body-parts,
dismemberments and groups, both real and virtual.

- Critical texts on the transformation of classical narrative - from its
emphasis on an omniscient narrator and coherent plots/characters, to
literatures of incoherency, dispersed narrations, and the jump-cut
exigencies of everyday life.

- Deleuze/Guattari, TAZ, and other phenomena at the border of networking.
- Internet visions and their abandonment or fulfillment.
- The haunting of the world by ghosts, virtual beings, dreams and nightmares
that never resolve.

- The geopolitical collapse of geopolitics.
- Military empires as scattershot entrepreneurial corporations.

Dispersion has two vectors: the breakup or breakdown of coherent objects;
and the subsequent attempt to corral, curtail, or recuperate from this
breakdown. How do we deal with networks that are constantly coalescing and
disappearing? Where are we in the midst of this? In an era of pre-emptive
culture, is guerilla warfare to be accompanied by guerilla culture as the
order of the day?

jvp: Neve Gordon on Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions

From: Jewish Peace News <>
Date: Fri, Aug 21, 2009 at 1:20 PM

In a Los Angeles Times op-ed Neve Neve Gordon, an American-born Jew who has lived in Israel for nearly 30 years and teaches political science at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev in Beersheba, reluctantly comes to the conclusion that boycotting Israel may be the only way to save the country from itself.  The author of the recent book, Israel's Occupation, Gordon argues that "'on the ground,' the one-state solution (in an apartheid manifestation) is a reality." Arguing that the two-state solution is the only way to reverse apartheid, he has decided to support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign launched by Palestinian activists in July 2005. – Joel Beinin

Lincoln Shlensky adds:

Neve Gordon cites the Bilbao Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Initiative <> as an appropriate model for creating international pressure on Israel to end the occupation. In Gordon's reading of it, the Bilbao Initiative proposes a process of imposing sanctions that begins by punishing companies doing business in the Occupied Territories and those that reinforce the occupation in other structural ways, and gradually extends such sanctions.

While one may disagree with Gordon's resolutely gradualist interpretation of the Bilbao Initiative, it would be hard to disagree that there is a need for the kinds of initial sanctions he mentions. Indeed, many of those individuals and organizations which do not claim to be advocates of a formal BDS campaign have long argued that punishing the direct beneficiaries of occupation and acting to end Israel's continuing confiscation of Palestinian land are urgent.

Other elements of the Bilbao Initiative that Gordon does not mention, however, are more controversial. For example, Point 5 of the Initiative proposes to "build pressure on the United Nations, governments, local authorities, multilateral bodies, such as the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the private sector to suspend cooperation with Israel." Such proposals are controversial for two reasons: some believe that they unfairly single out Israel among many rights-violating nations, and should be opposed for this reason alone. Others believe that, tactically, the appearance of singling out Israel for special sanctions may create a backlash against broad-based international efforts to end Israel's occupation at a time when the American administration seems more serious than ever about achieving a resolution.

Such concerns have merit. They need to be addressed directly by supporters of the BDS movement if proposals like the Bilbao Initiative are to gain wider support.,0,888884.story

Boycott Israel

An Israeli comes to the painful conclusion that it's the only way to save his country.

By Neve Gordon
August 20, 2009

Israeli newspapers this summer are filled with angry articles about the push for an international boycott of Israel. Films have been withdrawn from Israeli film festivals, Leonard Cohen is under fire around the world for his decision to perform in Tel Aviv, and Oxfam has severed ties with a celebrity spokesperson, a British actress who also endorses cosmetics produced in the occupied territories. Clearly, the campaign to use the kind of tactics that helped put an end to the practice of apartheid in South Africa is gaining many followers around the world.

Not surprisingly, many Israelis -- even peaceniks -- aren't signing on. A global boycott can't help but contain echoes of anti-Semitism. It also brings up questions of a double standard (why not boycott China for its egregious violations of human rights?) and the seemingly contradictory position of approving a boycott of one's own nation.

It is indeed not a simple matter for me as an Israeli citizen to call on foreign governments, regional authorities, international social movements, faith-based organizations, unions and citizens to suspend cooperation with Israel. But today, as I watch my two boys playing in the yard, I am convinced that it is the only way that Israel can be saved from itself.

I say this because Israel has reached a historic crossroads, and times of crisis call for dramatic measures. I say this as a Jew who has chosen to raise his children in Israel, who has been a member of the Israeli peace camp for almost 30 years and who is deeply anxious about the country's future.

The most accurate way to describe Israel today is as an apartheid state. For more than 42 years, Israel has controlled the land between the Jordan Valley and the Mediterranean Sea. Within this region about 6 million Jews and close to 5 million Palestinians reside. Out of this population, 3.5 million Palestinians and almost half a million Jews live in the areas Israel occupied in 1967, and yet while these two groups live in the same area, they are subjected to totally different legal systems. The Palestinians are stateless and lack many of the most basic human rights. By sharp contrast, all Jews -- whether they live in the occupied territories or in Israel -- are citizens of the state of Israel.

The question that keeps me up at night, both as a parent and as a citizen, is how to ensure that my two children as well as the children of my Palestinian neighbors do not grow up in an apartheid regime.

There are only two moral ways of achieving this goal.

The first is the one-state solution: offering citizenship to all Palestinians and thus establishing a bi-national democracy within the entire area controlled by Israel. Given the demographics, this would amount to the demise of Israel as a Jewish state; for most Israeli Jews, it is anathema.

The second means of ending our apartheid is through the two-state solution, which entails Israel's withdrawal to the pre-1967 borders (with possible one-for-one land swaps), the division of Jerusalem, and a recognition of the Palestinian right of return with the stipulation that only a limited number of the 4.5 million Palestinian refugees would be allowed to return to Israel, while the rest can return to the new Palestinian state.

Geographically, the one-state solution appears much more feasible because Jews and Palestinians are already totally enmeshed; indeed, "on the ground," the one-state solution (in an apartheid manifestation) is a reality.

Ideologically, the two-state solution is more realistic because fewer than 1% of Jews and only a minority of Palestinians support binationalism.

For now, despite the concrete difficulties, it makes more sense to alter the geographic realities than the ideological ones. If at some future date the two peoples decide to share a state, they can do so, but currently this is not something they want.

So if the two-state solution is the way to stop the apartheid state, then how does one achieve this goal?

I am convinced that outside pressure is the only answer. Over the last three decades, Jewish settlers in the occupied territories have dramatically increased their numbers. The myth of the united Jerusalem has led to the creation of an apartheid city where Palestinians aren't citizens and lack basic services. The Israeli peace camp has gradually dwindled so that today it is almost nonexistent, and Israeli politics are moving more and more to the extreme right.

It is therefore clear to me that the only way to counter the apartheid trend in Israel is through massive international pressure. The words and condemnations from the Obama administration and the European Union have yielded no results, not even a settlement freeze, let alone a decision to withdraw from the occupied territories.

I consequently have decided to support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement that was launched by Palestinian activists in July 2005 and has since garnered widespread support around the globe. The objective is to ensure that Israel respects its obligations under international law and that Palestinians are granted the right to self-determination.

In Bilbao, Spain, in 2008, a coalition of organizations from all over the world formulated the 10-point Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign meant to pressure Israel in a "gradual, sustainable manner that is sensitive to context and capacity." For example, the effort begins with sanctions on and divestment from Israeli firms operating in the occupied territories, followed by actions against those that help sustain and reinforce the occupation in a visible manner. Along similar lines, artists who come to Israel in order to draw attention to the occupation are welcome, while those who just want to perform are not.

Nothing else has worked. Putting massive international pressure on Israel is the only way to guarantee that the next generation of Israelis and Palestinians -- my two boys included -- does not grow up in an apartheid regime.

Copyright © 2009, The Los Angeles Times

Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Z. Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
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XCELLENT ARTICLE: Yonatan Preminger: The Strategy Behind Israel's Migrant Labor Policies / CounterPunch

At present, only 4% of Palestinians who are citizens of Israel live off agriculture.  The fact that most Palestinian land was confiscated and given to Jewish agricultural settlements turned Palestinian society from being a primarily agrarian society to a landless populace.

Here are some startling statistics:
According to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, in 2008 only 40 per cent of Arab men of working age participated in the workforce, compared with 56 per cent for Israel as a whole, and only 19 per cent of Arab women, compared with 56 per cent of Jewish women. Half of Israel's Arab citizens live below the poverty line. Many would jump at the opportunity to work, though a job in Israel today is not always a way of escaping the poverty cycle.

Unfortunately for them, a major aim of Israel's labor policies is: anyone but Palestinians.

Read more in Yonatan Preminger's informative article.

Racheli Gai.

Yonatan Preminger: The Strategy Behind Israel's Migrant Labor Policies
Aug. 20, 2009

As an increasing number of people feel the grip of the global financial crisis, Israel's familiar bugbear has been wheeled out yet again: deport the foreign workers! True to form, the newly appointed Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz has decided that the deportation of 100,000 migrant laborers will improve the economic situation.

We've been here before. In 2003, Israel launched its first major campaign to reduce the number of "foreign workers," as they are known in Hebrew (ovdim zarim). Now the workers are preparing themselves for another round of brutal operations by the infamous immigration police.

In Israel's labor market, deportations of "foreign workers" are followed by imports of others to take their place. Yet, Israel has an abundant supply of local workers – why does it still prefer the migrant laborers? Because they are not Arabs.

There are about 250,000 migrant laborers in Israel, mostly from the Philippines and Thailand, working mainly in agriculture, nursing and construction. For a country of just under 7.4 million citizens, this is an enormous number. More than half are considered illegal – some have outstayed their allotted time, some are victims of fraud, and some have violated the terms of their employment, often through no fault of their own. With unemployment rising again, it seems logical to employ Israel's citizens before turning to outside labor, but, as usual, the picture is more complicated.

The truth is, Israel is confused. Since the 1980s, when the country began a process of deregulation with the aim of hitching its markets to the global economy, Israel has been torn between the myth of Jewish solidarity and the Zionist enterprise on the one hand, and the demands of the growing economic elite on the other. Bluntly put, it wants to keep the country open to Jews only but have access to workers willing to do the dirty work for peanuts.

In the past, Israel employed Arabs as cheap labor – both Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinians from the Occupied Territories (who have no Israeli citizenship). Then, in the 1990s, as Israelis opened their eyes to the Oslo Accords, watched their economy grow, and enjoyed the "quiet" that the promise of peace granted them, Palestinians from the Occupied Territories found themselves stuck, cut off from their source of livelihood in Israel by renewed policies of military closures around the Territories. Meanwhile, Palestinian Israelis watched their jobs disappear as factories were moved abroad and as they competed with a million newly arrived Russian olim (Jewish immigrants) for the remaining labor-intensive work.

Changing government priorities, the Intifada and globalization opened the way for migrant laborers. Companies owned by the Histadrut (the General Federation of Labor), publicly owned enterprises, were sold off. State support for agriculture diminished as the long-declining ideology of working the land finally collapsed. The new owners of Histadrut companies, building contractors and farmers, sought sources of labor that would enable them to compete in the now unprotected market. Migrant labor fitted the bill.

Farmers and contractors explain their preference for foreign labor by claiming there is no local workforce. "Israelis aren't willing to do those kind of jobs," so the mantra goes. And it does, indeed, seem that few Israeli Jews are willing to do hard manual labor anymore. But there are Israelis willing to do those kinds of jobs – Israel's Palestinian citizens.

Anyone But Palestinians

The "Arab sector," as it is known here, struggles against insufficient investment and inadequate infrastructure. Before 1948, the Palestinian Arab economy was mostly agrarian. Today, only about 4 per cent of the Palestinian Israeli population lives off agriculture, yet other options for earning a living are scarce. Few Arab towns have any significant industrial parks, and the primary industry that once employed Arabs – textiles – has been moved overseas.

According to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, in 2008 only 40 per cent of Arab men of working age participated in the workforce, compared with 56 per cent for Israel as a whole, and only 19 per cent of Arab women, compared with 56 per cent of Jewish women. Half of Israel's Arab citizens live below the poverty line. Many would jump at the opportunity to work, though a job in Israel today is not always a way of escaping the poverty cycle.

And, if these workers prove insufficient, there are thousands more on the other side of the "security fence." Israel has administered the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, flooding the Territories with its products, thereby – deliberately or otherwise – preventing the development of local industry and discouraging entrepreneurship. Residents of the Territories have also provided Israel with builders, cleaners and agricultural laborers for thirty years. The result is an underdeveloped Palestinian economy, entirely dependent on Israel, and a huge workforce eager to work in Israel.

The proof of their willingness to work can be found at Israel's major intersections, where Palestinians from the West Bank wait each morning in the hope that some contractor will offer them work. Most of them have gone through hell to get around the checkpoints and across the separation wall, a dangerous – occasionally fatal – journey of many hours. Many sleep in makeshift camps such as abandoned building sites just minutes from Tel Aviv's chic boulevards, and return to the West Bank and their families only on the weekends.

It is difficult to estimate the number of West Bank residents working in Israel. According to the Workers Advice Centre, an NGO active mainly among agricultural and construction workers, in 2005 there were around 20,000 working legally (with a permit), in addition to at least that number working illegally. The difficulties involved in entering Israel enable employers to claim that Palestinians from the West Bank are an unreliable labor force.

Police raids, a common nightmare for illegal Palestinian workers, aim to intimidate the workers and put on a show for Israelis, so fearful of "infiltrators." The workers are deported and may lose whatever job they were lucky enough to find, but everyone knows that they will be back as soon as they have negotiated their way through the porous "security" system: work in Israel is in great demand.

Clearly, Israel has easy access to willing labor, so why does Israel maintain such a large migrant labor force? The principal reason has little to do with the lack of a local workforce. The migrant workers are simply cheaper and easier to exploit.

Thais and Filipinos

Most migrant laborers in Israel today are Thais, working primarily in agriculture, and Filipinos, working primarily as caregivers. Many arrive with huge debts after paying middlemen between $6,000 and $9,000 in mediation fees (through arrangements that are mostly illegal). However, their wages in Israel amount to less than the legal minimum because some of the long hours they work are not remunerated.

Their employers save money also by not paying any peripheral benefits such as pension fund payments, sick pay, annual leave or maternity leave. Migrant workers rarely receive dismissal compensation, seniority-based wage increases, or overtime pay. In addition, wages are often paid in arrears, obliging the worker to remain with the same employer for fear of losing earnings.

Migrant workers are legally subject to the collective agreements negotiated by the Histadrut, but law enforcement is minimal, and the state's representatives almost invariably take the employers' side in any dispute.

The Israeli and Thai governments have been in contact with the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in the hope of controlling the black market in mediation fees and permits, but so far without results. In 2006, Israel's Foreign Ministry refused to sign an agreement with the IOM, but in 2007 the IOM signed an agreement with Thailand that will facilitate supervision of recruitment of Thai workers destined for Israel. Also, since June 2008, only workers from countries that have bilateral agreements with Israel have been permitted to enter.

It remains to be seen whether these agreements will reduce the exploitation of migrant labor. Unfortunately for the workers, there are interests vested in the current system: many agencies in Israel as well as in the workers' countries of origin stand to lose an extremely lucrative business if mechanisms for control are put into place.

However, the issue of Israel's labor preferences goes beyond economic calculations and concerns the identity of the workers themselves. In any discussion about the use of Palestinian labor, security concerns are invariably voiced: "When my father used to go to work in the fields with Arabs," says E. from a kibbutz in the north, "he would take his pistol and be looking over his shoulder all the time. With the Thai workers he feels safe."

Though not everyone feels the threat in quite this way, the government of PM Ariel Sharon decided in 2005 that, by 2008, Palestinians from the Occupied Territories would no longer be working within Israel. Keeping the Palestinian workers out, then, is part of a deliberate policy that borders on demagoguery, playing on the fears of Israeli Jews and strengthening the misleading consensus of "us here, them over there" – misleading, because Israel is "over there" too, with its ever-expanding settlements, and "they" are here in the form of Israel's largely unseen Palestinian citizens.

But security, as always, tells only part of the story. After all, if workers can get into the country from the West Bank, so can others with more insidious objectives. The preference for migrant labor over Palestinian labor stems from something for which "security" serves as a fig leaf: Israel's striving to reduce the Arab presence on this piece of land.

The ideology of separate economies for Jews and Arabs goes back to the days of Jewish settlement in Palestine, when it was feared that cheap Arab labor would discourage European Jews from immigrating. After 1948, freedom of movement for Arab citizens was restricted until 1966, when the military administration was finally lifted. After 1967, Palestinians from the Occupied Territories had the advantage of "disappearing" at the end of the workday, but they, too, were a constant reminder of the local population, which Israel was not ready to acknowledge.

Migrant workers, on the other hand, pose no "demographic threat," particularly if the immigration police keep working. Though many have been here for years, and their children speak Hebrew just like Israeli children, they are deemed a temporary presence. The situation has plumbed new depths of absurdity: farmers consider the migrant Thais to be permanent workers and the local population – Arabs – as seasonal laborers who fill in during temporary labor shortages.

Israel has also succeeded in depoliticising the issue. The hiring of migrant labor is perceived simply as an economic necessity, while questions of identity, the closure of the Occupied Territories, the "security fence" and the "demographic threat" (not to mention workers' rights) are held to be unrelated.

Thus, despite the economic crisis and associated rising unemployment, it is unlikely that Israel will wean its employers off cheap "foreign workers" in favor of opening more employment opportunities to the Arab sector or Palestinians from the Occupied Territories. The current situation is too convenient: migrant labor has enabled Israel to open its borders to the globalized economy without endangering its Jewish identity, while bolstering the myth that Israel can be a country for Jews alone.

In fact, Israel has finally succeeded in doing what it failed to do during the years it was still reliant on cheap Arab labor: it has taken the Arabs out of the market.

Yonatan Preminger lives in Tel Aviv and is active in the field of workers' rights. He can be reached at

Jewish Peace News editors:
Joel Beinin
Racheli Gai
Rela Mazali
Sarah Anne Minkin
Judith Norman
Lincoln Z. Shlensky
Rebecca Vilkomerson
Alistair Welchman
Jewish Peace News archive and blog:
Jewish Peace News sends its news clippings only to subscribers. To subscribe, unsubscribe, or manage your subscription, go to

Academy of another city presents Signs of Respect

August 22, 2009

Academy of another city

Signs of Respect
Sept. 4 - Sept. 27, 2009

Opening hours:
Thurs - Sun, 3pm - 8pm
Guided Tours:
Thurs - Sun, 4pm

Academy of another city
Am Veringhof 23b
D-21107 Hamburg / Wilhelmsburg

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We cordially invite you to attend the opening of the exhibition Signs of Respect on 3 September 2009 at 7 p.m. in the former Kubi-Center, Am Veringhof 23b, 21007 Hamburg, hosted by Gerti Theis (IBA Hamburg), Harald Falckenberg (art collector) and the exhibition's curators Ute Vorkoeper and Andrea Knobloch.

This exhibition had not been scheduled before the Akademie einer anderen Stadt (Academy of another city) was founded on 1 April 2009 on Hamburg's Elbe islands, whose complex residential mix, wealth of potential and conflicts are characteristic of all large cities in Germany today. Rather, as all programmes run by the Academy, this idea evolved in the course of discussions with and in response to wishes voiced by residents of the Elbe islands. It subsequently chose the "Kubi-Center" complex, a former corporate administration building with a floor space of over 2000 m2, as the venue to foster a dialogue between international art and art projects generated in schools and community cultural groups which seeks to address a broad and varied audience.

The exhibition focuses on issues of particular relevance for the Elbe islands but elsewhere too – concerning the plurality of languages in the city, the search for individual cultural identity, the visibility (or invisibility) of certain cultures and the opportunities for bringing pressing questions and problems to public attention.

People in large cities have always been divided, and are now increasingly so, by different experiences of displacement from the old, of new departure and arrival in unfamiliar surroundings, of being marginalized or squeezed between larger interests. Such ruptures are voiced in the drawings of Katrin Ströbel and the installations of Marina Lindemann. The process of arrival in a new language is described by Swedish-speaking immigrants in a video installation by Esra Ersen and by the children's voices recorded over the years by Antoine Beuger. In the films of Dorothea Carl women migrants speak of their lives in intermediary worlds, while Moira Zoitl allows viewers to inspect the real non-places where migrants find themselves stranded from time to time. Olafur Gislason translates stories of migration into three-dimensional space and Helga Scheffler shows carefully preserved slides documenting her experience of Hamburg's great flood of 1962.

The gap "in between" is also the subject of numerous school projects, whose titles Wer ist Lurup? (Who is Lurup?), Fantasy World, Bunny Hood, MyPlace and Fluid Rooms point to the clashs of real and imagined urban contexts. Thomas Köner traces the transient paths of people in peripheries scattered across the globe, while Dieter Boxberger, Anke Grube and Desiree Zick, scholarship students of the VHS Summer Studio, go in search of evidence in Hamburg harbour. Many people express a desire to finally appropriate a space and a time of their own – such as the space where one can show oneself and be seen which has been constructed by pupils of the Wilhelmsburg Gesamtschule (comprehensive school), who gave their exhibit the challenging title "wir hier!" (us here!). Unexpectedly singular modes of self-portrayal were also devised by the prison inmates Mark Raidpere invited to take part in a photo shooting. These are flanked by attempts to enhance understanding, foster dialogue or even exchange as proposed by Rainer Ganahl's models for learning language or Nina Katchadourian's paradoxical endeavours to eliminate accents and Christine Lemke's analyses of current materials for teaching German.

Cultural dialogue feels lighter, on the other hand, in the dance video by Nevin Aladag titled "Familie Tezcan" (The Tezcan family). With "Zürich rührt sich" (Zurich stirs), Andrea Knobloch also considers how space can be achieved through dance, while Hanswalter Graf offers examples of his playful strategies for transforming urban space which he carries out in collaboration with young people. Besides this, Harald Lemke invites visitors to explore his gastrosophic library as a means of promoting dialogue between various food cultures, while Thomas Wiczak's urban research undertaken with kids from the Elbe islands makes an unexpected appearance in the exhibition.

The exhibition's title was likewise the result of discussions with residents of the Elbe islands. Most of the old and the new problems here are due to a lack of respect and an inadequate degree of consideration, or merely restraint, towards those who have too little money, influence and means of articulation to effectively and noticeably voice their opposition. It is about the respect for those who since the 1960s have suffered the worst abominations of urban planning, inordinate levels of noise pollution and the dangerously close proximity to (occasionally also intolerably stinking) industrial plants, and now, via fast-track legislation, are suddenly being rushed into a better future by means of projects tabled by the IBA International Building Exhibition.

The works in this exhibition, on the other hand, are marked by the particular respect they show – each, of course, in its own distinctive way – towards what is different, what is encountered on the ground, what is longed for and what is unfamiliar. The exhibition assembles tokens of a different form of respect, as portents if not declarations of a better and more just future…

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